Television and Politics

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English

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"The authorsahave analyzed the television problem brilliantly. They had come up with a whole set of new insights, and their backup research always is fascinating to read."-Saturday Review"A cautious, research-based bookahopefully it will set a trend."-Ithiel de Sola Pool, Public Opinion QuarterlyAfter more than forty years of studying its political implications, Kurt and Gladys Lang put the power of television into a unique perspective. Through carefully compiled case studies, they reveal surprising truths about TV's effect on American political life, and explode some popular myths. Their theme throughout is that television gives the viewer the illusion of being a favored spectator at some event-he "sees for himself," in other words. But, in fact, it conveys a reality different from that experienced by an eyewitness. Because the televised version of an event reaches more people, it has greater impact on the public memory and comes to overshadow what actually happened.The Langs tell in detail how television shapes events; how public figures and political institutions adjust their tactics to exploit the effects they-and millions of viewers-think television has. They examine such issues as whether or not network television projections influence election results. They consider the accuracy of the networks increasingly sophisticated techniques for "calling" election outcomes well before polls close. Such concerns have never been more at the forefront of the public consciousness than in the wake of the 2000 presidential election. The Langs assess the research to date and clarify the effects of early TV projections on voter turnout and election outcomes, and look at the implications for our system of government.A model of excellent policy analysis, this highly readable volume will interest decision-makers and analysts, as well as students of journalism, broadcasting, political behavior, and voters looking forward to the next election.Kurt Lang was a professor of sociology

The modern world derives part of its meaning and definition from the foreign policy formulations of Woodrow Wilson and Harry Truman. These presidents viewed the enhancement of American power and the invigoration of American principles as the only response to modem problems such as imperialism, bolshevism, fascism and "total war." The fact that Europe and Asia had submitted to the disastrous consequences of their ideas meant that we had to project and promote our democratic alternative. If we were to live up to our mission and our character, we had to accept radically new responsibilities. This work reveals the important relationship between these presidents and explores the reverential, yet revolutionary relationship each had with broader American traditions.Wilson came to power at a time when both need and the means for change were apparent. In the face of looming war and global turmoil, Wilson took full advantage of America''s emerging world-power status. While he held to the traditional American ideal of setting a democratic example, he reconceived it as an obligation to actively promote democracy and self-determination abroad. Indeed, he construed our increased involvement in the world as the logical fulfillment of our democratic purpose. In the heated aftermath of World War II, Truman echoed Wilson''s assertion that only the fortification of democracy and the "influence" of America could ease European tensions and prevent future wars.While Truman''s early foreign policy is often said to exhibit Wilsonian internationalism, his later "power politics," Pierce shows that all of his foreign policy was underlain by his determination never to let what had happened during and between two world wars happen again. Pierce demonstrates that even Truman''s most avid departure from Wilsonianism, his plunge into geopolitics and his build-up of the military power of the free world, was saturated with Wilsonian ideals. "Containment" was underlain

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